Tue. May 26th, 2026
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Nigeria’s main political parties are charging eye-watering fees from election hopefuls, in a move condemned as undemocratic and a breeding ground for high-level cronyism and corruption.

Supporters of President Goodluck Jonathan pooled their resources to stump up the 22 million naira (132,000 dollars) to buy his nomination form from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

The main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) is asking for 27.5 million naira, forcing one prospective candidate, former military ruler Muhammadu Buhari, to take out a bank loan.

For governorship posts, the PDP is asking for 11 million naira while the APC wants 10 million naira — all before anyone is even chosen to run at the elections next year.

Candidates for parliamentary elections are also having to pay huge sums of cash, far outstripping the fees charged elsewhere in West Africa.

Political and legal analysts say the exorbitant rates in Nigeria are illegal, discourage popular participation in the electoral process and consolidate power among the wealthy elite.

“The incredible amount of money charged by political parties for nomination forms only reflects the dangerous connection between politics and big business and the disconnect it fosters on the silent majority,” said Eneruvie Enakoko, formerly of the Transition Monitoring Group of non-profit organisations promoting democratic values.

High fees for nomination force aspiring candidates without huge financial means to raise money from super-rich backers, who will then expect pay-back if they are voted in, he added.

“If the candidate eventually gets the nomination and wins the election, he feels indebted and obligated to that tiny percentage of the population and his loyalty will be to those people and not to the rest of the populace or the silent majority who have no voice,” he told AFP.

“It is a dangerous and vicious cycle because the candidate after getting elected cannot afford to forget where he got the money to bankroll his election.”

– ‘Moneybags and godfathers’ -Under the military dictator Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993), two political parties were founded and funded by government, the National Republican Convention and Social Democratic Party.

But since Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, the government has stopped direct funding of political parties, forcing them to look for other ways to raise money.

While the nexus of politicians, wealthy individuals and big business is not unique to Nigeria, the phenomenon makes it less likely that the country’s catalogue of problems are tackled.

Nigeria may be Africa’s biggest economy and leading oil producer but it ranks low on the global scale for social development indicators such as access to education and healthcare.

Some 61.2 percent of Nigerians were living on $1 a day or less in 2009-10, according to the last available government figures on living standards, released in 2012.

Nigeria is also blighted by endemic graft, particularly in the huge public sector, and was ranked 144th out of 177 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2013.

For Dapo Thomas, of Lagos State University, the exorbitant fees skew the political system, furthering a culture of patronage and keeping out poorer, but perhaps more qualified, administrators.

“It allows the moneybags and godfathers to dominate the political scene,” he said.

“If somebody of Buhari’s calibre could not afford 27.5 million naira without taking a loan from the bank, who else can afford it?”

– ‘Unwholesome and undemocratic’ –

Lagos lawyer Femi Falana said charging for nomination by both Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which oversees elections, and political parties was against the law.

Debo Adeniran, of the Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders pressure group, described charging as “unwholesome” and “undemocratic” but INEC maintained that it was powerless to act.

The electoral body cannot stop parties from collecting election fees, said INEC spokesman Kayode Idowu, but expressed concern about the trend.

“On no account should eligible Nigerians be denied the rights to participate in the electoral process. Not even money,” he said.

The electoral body will continue to monitor the finances of the parties while it had also set limits on campaign spending, he added.

A presidential candidate cannot spend above one billion naira, a governorship hopeful 200 million naira, a politician running for the senate 40 million and 10 million for the lower House of Representatives.

Parties are also not allowed to seek external funding to safeguard “the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation”, said Idowu.

“All these measures are in place to ensure popular participation as well as preserve the integrity of the electoral system,” he added.Culled from AFP

 

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From Tramadol to Canadian to Exol-5 The New Drug Destroying Nigerian Youths An Investigative Article .From Tramadol to Canadian to Exol-5: The New Drug Destroying Nigerian Youths An Investigative Report on the Shifting Landscape of Substance Abuse in Nigeria Nigeria faces a severe and evolving drug crisis, particularly among its youth. What began with the widespread abuse of Tramadol has progressed through mixtures like “Canadian” to newer pharmaceutical diversions such as Exol-5. This shift reflects deeper issues: easy access to prescription drugs, weak regulation, socioeconomic pressures, and aggressive street-level marketing. NDLEA operations and health studies reveal a public health emergency that threatens an entire generation. Phase 1: The Tramadol Epidemic (2010s–Early 2020s) Tramadol, a synthetic opioid prescribed for moderate to severe pain, became Nigeria’s most notorious street drug. Cheap, potent, and widely smuggled (often from India and other Asian countries), it offered users energy, euphoria, and pain relief — appealing to commercial drivers, laborers, students, and young men seeking confidence or stamina. Scale of the Problem: Millions of tablets seized annually by NDLEA. High prevalence among young males aged 15–35. Linked to increased crime, sexual violence, organ damage (kidney failure, seizures), and mental health breakdowns. Contributed to broader opioid misuse alongside codeine cough syrups. Government responses included tighter import controls and public awareness campaigns, but these only displaced demand to other substances rather than eliminating it. Phase 2: The Rise of “Canadian” (Mid-2020s) “Canadian” or “Canadian Loud” emerged as a popular code for high-grade cannabis (often indica-dominant strains) or cannabis mixed with other synthetics. It gained traction as users sought alternatives or combinations to Tramadol’s effects. This phase marked a move toward imported or locally cultivated premium weed, sometimes laced with stronger chemicals. Youths in urban centers like Lagos, Kano, Jos, and Onitsha embraced it for its perceived “cleaner” high compared to opioids. However, it fueled polydrug use — combining cannabis with opioids, sedatives, or alcohol — amplifying health risks. Phase 3: Exol-5 – The Current Threat (2024–2026) Exol-5 (Benzhexol Hydrochloride / Trihexyphenidyl 5mg), originally a prescription medication for Parkinson’s disease and drug-induced movement disorders, has become the latest pharmaceutical being heavily abused. Why Exol-5? Euphoric Effects: Users report intense euphoria, hallucinations, and a sense of detachment — making it attractive as a cheap “upper” or escape. Accessibility: Sold over-the-counter or on the black market despite being a controlled prescription drug. NDLEA has seized millions of pills in single operations (e.g., 3.1 million pills in Kano in late 2024, and over 5.6 million combined with Tramadol in other busts). Street Names: Exol, Artane, Benzhexol, “Farin Mallam” (in Northern Nigeria). Demographics: Prevalent among youths, laborers, and even psychiatric patients who divert prescriptions. Studies show abuse rates as high as 25% among certain outpatient groups. Health Consequences: Anticholinergic toxicity: Confusion, dry mouth, blurred vision, urinary retention, constipation, and in high doses — delirium, psychosis, seizures, and heart issues. Long-term: Cognitive impairment, addiction, exacerbated mental health disorders. Often mixed with Tramadol, codeine, or cannabis, creating dangerous synergies. In cities like Jos, Exol-5 sits alongside diazepam, Rohypnol, and Tramadol on street markets, easily available to teenagers and young adults. Why This Evolution Continues Supply-Side Failures: Porous borders, corrupt officials, and overproduction of pharmaceuticals enable diversion. Demand Drivers: Unemployment, poverty, peer pressure, trauma, and the pursuit of performance enhancement (e.g., for “hustle” culture). Weak Regulation: Many pharmacies sell restricted drugs without prescriptions. Online and street vendors fill gaps. Displacement Effect: Cracking down on one substance (Tramadol/codeine) pushes users and dealers toward the next available option. NDLEA reports ongoing large seizures, but the problem persists due to high profitability and low risk for mid-level distributors. Broader Impacts on Nigerian Youths Education: Increased dropout rates and poor academic performance. Mental Health: Rising cases of psychosis and depression. Economy: Lost productivity among the working-age population. Crime and Violence: Drug-fueled robberies, cultism, and family breakdowns. 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Exol-5 represents the dangerous new frontier — a legitimate medicine turned youth destroyer due to misuse and greed. Without urgent, multi-layered intervention — combining supply disruption, demand reduction, and socioeconomic support — an entire generation risks being lost to addiction. The time for half-measures is over. Nigeria’s future depends on winning this fight.