Mon. May 25th, 2026
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The “War Against Terrorism” is one of the most difficult wars there is. This is so because it is not a conventional war. Recent events have shown that its execution can be intractable and taxing and difficult. And there is no V-Day. In fact, one of the lessons of the post-9/11 world is that formal victory can be elusive and illusive. Several years after the United States and her allies thought they were getting a handle on Al Qaeda, here comes the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS). After Isis, what’s next and in what region of the world?

In the case of Nigeria, no one ever thought terrorism would ever become a part of its psyche and landscape. But it has! In addition to political and economic venalities, social dislocation, armed robberies, gangs and cult related issues, and ethnic and religious conflicts – we now have to deal with terrorism. Five or so years after Boko Haram first challenged authorities within its immediate proximity, it has now become a national scourge with international reputation – with its past and present leaders now part of the folklore within certain circles.

Many countries are today diligently waging war against terrorists and terrorism. They’ve been unrelenting! Terrorists and their partners are being hunted: killed or arrested and prosecuted. Their plans and cells are being disrupted. Their sources of finance and support are also being weakened. Coalitions are being formed against their networks. And countries such as the US, Canada, Britain and France are engaged in programs and plans that discourages susceptible minds from joining these nefarious organizations. The war against terrorism is, therefore, an all-encompassing effort.

But in Nigeria, things are different. In the first place, it took the local authorities several years to truly understand what was going on. And it took the Nigerian government much longer to do so. A group that was thought to be a local nuisance has turned out to be a national and international inconvenience and killing machine. Till date, the government has not marshalled a full and appropriate response: There seem not to be a concerted, intelligent and well-thought response to the group and its activities. On the surface at least, it appears the government lacks good intelligence gathering tool and system. 

The agencies are there, but in terms of fighting Boko Haram and other national afflictions, these organizations seem wanting and ineffective.

For a long time, the National Security Organization (NSO) was the main intelligence body in the country. In 1986, however, General Ibrahim Babangida, the then head of state, issued Decree 19 which effectively dissolved the NSO, and in its place created three autonomous intelligence units: The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), which is the military intelligence unit; the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), which is responsible for foreign intelligence and counterintelligence; and the State Security Service (SSS). Many Nigerians are familiar with the SSS because, over the years, it has been in the news and seen as the government’s enforcer.

In addition to the aforementioned organization, there are other semi-intelligence outfits. For instance, the Nigerian Police, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Office of the National Security Adviser, all have intelligence outfit. And even the presidency. In addition, every state in the nation has security budget and security agencies. In spite of their manpower, and in spite of the billions of naira that are yearly allocated to these agencies and outfits, Boko Haram and other violent non-state actors still operate at will.

No matter the nature and structure of the intelligence community, its primary purpose is to assist the governments in the policy and decision making process. In other words, the Nigerian security and intelligence agencies exist to assist the government in the furtherance of its domestic and foreign policy objectives – whatever those objectives might be; and whether or not they fall within the bounds of law and human decency.

With this in mind, one cannot say – or at least  the evidence are not there – to suggest that the Nigerian intelligence  community has been of full use, or is of complete value, to the government in its war against terrorism. Why, for instance, can’t these agencies implant their members into the leadership of Boko Haram?

Within the Nigerian setting, intelligence gathering is no longer a high-art as it once was. Technology has made it so. Recruiting spies within an organization is not rocket science. And disrupting hostile activities does not require the genius of geniuses. So, what then is the problem with the various security and intelligence agencies in Nigeria? What is the problem fighting crimes and terrorism? It couldn’t be the manpower. It couldn’t be the training. Is it the culture of these agencies, or the political will and leadership at Aso Rock?

Or perhaps there are other reasons why Boko Haram continues to outmaneuver and outsmart the Nigerian government and its various security and intelligence agencies. 

Unfortunately, the leaders of these agencies, along with the president, seem to think that Boko Haram will come out of the hills and the forest and surrender. At other times, they simply pray to God – expecting the killings and the destructions to end. What’s the purpose of these agencies if they cannot limit or hamper the operation and ability of destructive organizations like Boko Haram?

Again and again, it’s been proven that there is no complete and full remedy against violent non-state actor bent on causing deaths, havoc and destruction. All such organizations need, in order to instill fear in the mind of the people or to make the government look incompetent, is one successful strike. Just one! That’s all. And frankly, different organizations and different individuals have caused deaths and destructions in the US and elsewhere.

But through it all, not many doubt the professionalism, sincere efforts and determination of the American government and its various security and intelligence organizations. Few doubt the commitment and sincerity of the US Congress and the White House in fighting terrorism. But millions of Nigerians are beginning to doubt the sincerity and commitment of the executive and legislative branches. Many more are beginning to doubt the ability and professionalism of the Nigerian security and intelligence agencies.

By admin

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From Tramadol to Canadian to Exol-5 The New Drug Destroying Nigerian Youths An Investigative Article .From Tramadol to Canadian to Exol-5: The New Drug Destroying Nigerian Youths An Investigative Report on the Shifting Landscape of Substance Abuse in Nigeria Nigeria faces a severe and evolving drug crisis, particularly among its youth. What began with the widespread abuse of Tramadol has progressed through mixtures like “Canadian” to newer pharmaceutical diversions such as Exol-5. This shift reflects deeper issues: easy access to prescription drugs, weak regulation, socioeconomic pressures, and aggressive street-level marketing. NDLEA operations and health studies reveal a public health emergency that threatens an entire generation. Phase 1: The Tramadol Epidemic (2010s–Early 2020s) Tramadol, a synthetic opioid prescribed for moderate to severe pain, became Nigeria’s most notorious street drug. Cheap, potent, and widely smuggled (often from India and other Asian countries), it offered users energy, euphoria, and pain relief — appealing to commercial drivers, laborers, students, and young men seeking confidence or stamina. Scale of the Problem: Millions of tablets seized annually by NDLEA. High prevalence among young males aged 15–35. Linked to increased crime, sexual violence, organ damage (kidney failure, seizures), and mental health breakdowns. Contributed to broader opioid misuse alongside codeine cough syrups. Government responses included tighter import controls and public awareness campaigns, but these only displaced demand to other substances rather than eliminating it. Phase 2: The Rise of “Canadian” (Mid-2020s) “Canadian” or “Canadian Loud” emerged as a popular code for high-grade cannabis (often indica-dominant strains) or cannabis mixed with other synthetics. It gained traction as users sought alternatives or combinations to Tramadol’s effects. This phase marked a move toward imported or locally cultivated premium weed, sometimes laced with stronger chemicals. Youths in urban centers like Lagos, Kano, Jos, and Onitsha embraced it for its perceived “cleaner” high compared to opioids. However, it fueled polydrug use — combining cannabis with opioids, sedatives, or alcohol — amplifying health risks. Phase 3: Exol-5 – The Current Threat (2024–2026) Exol-5 (Benzhexol Hydrochloride / Trihexyphenidyl 5mg), originally a prescription medication for Parkinson’s disease and drug-induced movement disorders, has become the latest pharmaceutical being heavily abused. Why Exol-5? Euphoric Effects: Users report intense euphoria, hallucinations, and a sense of detachment — making it attractive as a cheap “upper” or escape. Accessibility: Sold over-the-counter or on the black market despite being a controlled prescription drug. NDLEA has seized millions of pills in single operations (e.g., 3.1 million pills in Kano in late 2024, and over 5.6 million combined with Tramadol in other busts). Street Names: Exol, Artane, Benzhexol, “Farin Mallam” (in Northern Nigeria). Demographics: Prevalent among youths, laborers, and even psychiatric patients who divert prescriptions. Studies show abuse rates as high as 25% among certain outpatient groups. Health Consequences: Anticholinergic toxicity: Confusion, dry mouth, blurred vision, urinary retention, constipation, and in high doses — delirium, psychosis, seizures, and heart issues. Long-term: Cognitive impairment, addiction, exacerbated mental health disorders. Often mixed with Tramadol, codeine, or cannabis, creating dangerous synergies. In cities like Jos, Exol-5 sits alongside diazepam, Rohypnol, and Tramadol on street markets, easily available to teenagers and young adults. Why This Evolution Continues Supply-Side Failures: Porous borders, corrupt officials, and overproduction of pharmaceuticals enable diversion. Demand Drivers: Unemployment, poverty, peer pressure, trauma, and the pursuit of performance enhancement (e.g., for “hustle” culture). Weak Regulation: Many pharmacies sell restricted drugs without prescriptions. Online and street vendors fill gaps. Displacement Effect: Cracking down on one substance (Tramadol/codeine) pushes users and dealers toward the next available option. NDLEA reports ongoing large seizures, but the problem persists due to high profitability and low risk for mid-level distributors. Broader Impacts on Nigerian Youths Education: Increased dropout rates and poor academic performance. Mental Health: Rising cases of psychosis and depression. Economy: Lost productivity among the working-age population. Crime and Violence: Drug-fueled robberies, cultism, and family breakdowns. Public Health System Strain: Overburdened hospitals treating overdoses and chronic complications. Young people aged 15–39 remain the hardest hit, with national surveys showing drug use prevalence significantly above global averages. What Must Be Done Stronger Enforcement: Consistent prosecution of corrupt enablers and large-scale traffickers. Regulation: Crackdown on rogue pharmacies and better tracking of prescription drugs. Prevention & Rehabilitation: School programs, community outreach, and expanded treatment centers (currently woefully inadequate). Economic Alternatives: Address root causes like youth unemployment. Public Awareness: Honest campaigns highlighting real dangers of “Exol-5” and similar drugs. Conclusion From Tramadol’s opioid grip to “Canadian” cannabis culture and now Exol-5’s anticholinergic highs, Nigeria’s drug crisis is mutating faster than responses can contain it. Exol-5 represents the dangerous new frontier — a legitimate medicine turned youth destroyer due to misuse and greed. Without urgent, multi-layered intervention — combining supply disruption, demand reduction, and socioeconomic support — an entire generation risks being lost to addiction. The time for half-measures is over. Nigeria’s future depends on winning this fight.